Political and economic stability: President defying the people’s will: M.A. Sumanthiran

Abolish Executive Presidency and go for General Elections
System change can’t be done by tinkering with current Constitution
SLPP’s false majority in Parliament is not the people’s sentiment
Unwarranted use of force does not bode well for political stability
Country needs a consensus government to move forward
Going by current trend of governance, difficult to think of support
But will support positive measures of new Govt. to ensure stability

By Asiri Fernando

Unwarranted use of force by President Ranil Wickremesinghe does not bode well for reaching the political stability needed to recover from the unprecedented economic crisis Sri Lanka is facing, Tamil National Alliance (TNA) Parliamentarian, President’s Counsel M.A. Sumanthiran told The Sunday Morning.

Sri Lanka needs a consensus government to move forward, not one stands on the ‘false majority’ of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), the veteran politician stressed, adding that by using disproportionate force to evict protesters from the Presidential Secretariat during the early hours of Friday (22), after the occupiers had informed they would vacate the facility, was a clear indication that President Wickremesinghe was defying the will of the public.

Nevertheless, Sumanthiran stated that the TNA would support positive measures the new Government would take towards stability and reforms within the Parliament.

In an interview with The Sunday Morning, Sumanthiran stressed on the need for the Executive Presidency to be abolished expediently and the restoring of the 19th Amendment to the Constitution and called for General Elections to be held as soon as possible to obtain a new mandate from the people.

Following are excerpts of the interview:

What is your take on the latest developments on the political and economic front?

The stranglehold the SLPP has on the Parliament continues. That was demonstrated at the election of the President. That is a distortion of the popular sentiment.

I can say that confidently because it was the popular sentiment that forced the SLPP Prime Minister – Mahinda Rajapaksa – and his Cabinet to resign. It was also because of the same popular sentiment that SLPP President Gotabaya Rajapaksa had to resign. That is why I always took the position that the SLPP’s false majority in Parliament should not be used if they are respectful of the sentiments of the people at this time. That was violated; they used their false majority to elect Ranil Wickremesinghe as the President.

The country is in turmoil, facing an unprecedented and severe economic crisis. What the country needs is political stability first, which can only be achieved by a consensual government in Parliament. The entire Opposition totals 65; in May itself, about 42 members left the Government and crossed over. Now, they supported a candidate who may have been a member of the SLPP, but was supported by the Opposition. Without asserting their single majority, the SLPP could have ensured that a consensual government was formed. However, they defied it and exercised their singular majority.

And as we knew it would, today political instability has worsened. A person who became a president solely due to the protests, not for any other reasons; a person who on 9 May defended the protesters publicly, saying that it was a violation of their fundamental rights and threatened to withdraw the conditional support he had given to the then Government over the issue, has now ordered this brutal attack in the early hours of today (Friday), after they [the protesters] had announced that they would give back the Presidential Secretariat at Galle Face.

Therefore, this action [assault of protesters at Galle Face in the early hours of 22 July by Police and armed forces] is not acceptable in the least. It demonstrates the wrong decisions the Parliament and the SLPP in particular have made. The SLPP is continuing to defy the wishes of the people and that is not good for a country that is looking to stabilise politically before it even can look at the economic issue.

Do you think that Ranil Wickremesinghe, through his policies, will be able to bring some form of stability to the country in the short- to mid-term?

Going by what happened, if this is how he shows he is going to govern, there is no chance at all that he can bring stability to the country. This action [forcibly evicting peaceful protesters on 22 July] was totally unwarranted because they were going to give the Secretariat back to the authorities.

If your candidate, Dullas Alahapperuma, had won the vote in the Parliament to become the president, what changes would you have carried out as a priority and what policies would you enact for stability and economic recovery? What was your plan?

Economic recovery was our primary concern. The Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) was also supporting Dullas Alahapperuma. The SJB has economic experts in its ranks and it would have got involved in a government under Dullas. With political stability, they would have taken the right measures to address the economic crisis. We [TNA] would have extended our support even from the Opposition for constructive endeavours to stabilise the economy.

The negotiations between Sri Lanka and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) are ongoing; how important is it to conclude the negotiations by reaching an agreement with the IMF for assistance?

It has to be done urgently. But after a delegation visited Sri Lanka the IMF said there must be debt sustainability. That is a prerequisite. For that, debt restructuring negotiations ought to have happened first. However, that doesn’t seem to have even started. That is where the delay is.

Do you think that the changes the IMF has proposed will be counterproductive as the IMF has called for increased taxes while international organisations and local analysts have called for strengthening of the social safety net for vulnerable and low-income communities?

No; on raising taxes, the taxes must be direct ones. We can easily work that out. As long as you avoid raising indirect taxes, it won’t affect the poor. The poor don’t pay direct taxes, so that can be worked out.

There are economic experts in the country who have already come out with how this can be done, so I don’t think that will be an issue. Of course, everyone feels and will face the effects of the economic crisis.

Ranil Wickremesinghe invited all parties to form an all-party government. What role does the TNA plan to play in such a government? Would the TNA at least consider extending conditional support?

We will support all positive endeavours, whoever is in office. Even when Gotabaya Rajapaksa was in office, that was our stance. But that doesn’t mean that we need to take the Executive office to do that.

Going by the current trend, the immediate (22 July) trend of Wickremesinghe’s style of governance, I think it will be very difficult for us to even think of supporting this Government in that way. But the correct steps he takes will have our support.

How long do you think the new Government should hold office? How urgent is it to seek a new mandate from the public through General Elections?

I think it is very important to dissolve Parliament and call General Elections. That is essential in this context as everybody knows the parliamentary majority is a false majority. The Parliament doesn’t have the people’s mandate anymore. If people agree that Mahinda Rajapaksa and Gotabaya Rajapaksa have lost the people’s mandate, it automatically goes to show that the SLPP mandate in the Parliament is also lost.

Parliament must be dissolved as early as possible and General Elections need to be held. The Provincial Council Elections which have been long delayed should also be held as early as possible.

Do you think that the proposed constitutional changes that the public have demanded should be given equal priority at this stage while the Government moves to bring about stability and economic reforms?

This economic restructuring will have the necessary structural changes in the Constitution as well, so when it is being done, it is important that this opportunity is made use of to overhaul it and a new constitution be brought in.

People are asking for a ‘system change’ and that can’t be done by tinkering with this failed Constitution. A new constitution is important and sometimes it is only at times like this that such is possible.

Do you think President Wickremesinghe should expedite revoking the Executive Presidency as the public has called for during the period in which this Government holds office?

Yes, of course. He has promised that. In his last address to the nation as Prime Minister he said that, so he can’t change that now that he has become the Executive President.

What do you think the new Government can do to address the trust deficit between the public and governance while bringing stability?

It must restore the 19th Amendment immediately and take steps to abolish the Executive Presidency in the earliest possible time frame.

The Aragalaya protest movement has called for ‘citizens’ committees’ to be held in parallel to the parliamentary structure on public policies, reforms, and governance. How does the TNA view this demand?

Direct participation by citizens in affairs of governance of the country is a most welcome feature. Having said that, what form it should take and whether it should take the form of what the Aragalaya is proposing needs discussion.

However, the idea of citizens participating in governance, giving their valuable suggestions, and being involved in the affairs of governance is very important in any democracy.